The Hungarian war for freedom
In the month of September 1848, an army of 50,000 men, led by Jellachich, the Ban of Croatia, invaded Hungary, and this, too, at a moment when the nation had the fullest confidence in the coronation oath of a king, who had pledged himself not only to respect the rights and liberties of Hungary, but also to defend her from foreign foes. They were consequently unprepared, and defenceless, and Jellachich, with the prospect of a complete and almost bloodless victory before him, made forced marches towards Pesth, intending to settle the whole matter at a blow. He had reckoned a little too conclusively it appears, for however clear and promising his prospects of success, an ill- armed medley of men, forming a corps of some 15,000, assembled a few miles from Buda-Pesth, determined to contest every inch of the ground in defiance of the organised and well appointed soldiery of the Ban. Guyon, (3) with a natural genius for military tactics, which at a later period attracted the admiration of the famous Bem, with a chivalry belonging to a daring and lofty nature, persevering and indomitable in extremities the most hopeless, was among the first to respond to the cry of the Magyar, and the diet accepting his services, constituted him major of landsturm, the Honveds (4) or national guards, an ill-armed battalion; and thus was fought, on the 29th of September, 1848, the battle of Sukoro, in which Jellachich being thoroughly beaten, was taught to know the men he had to cope with in future, as much to his astonishment as to his discomfiture. Commemorative of this, and transformed by a spirit of bitter pleasantry into a proverb, Jellachich's retreat, combined with the defection of his Croats, is styled the "Ban's famous flank mancouvre." Truth circulates feebly in the atmosphere of despotism, and the annalist is enabled to shelter a failure beneath a sonorous technicality, as in the above instance. (5) In the following month, Guyon accompanied the Hungarian army to the Leitha, and on the 30th of October fought a great battle, that of Schwechat, with the "Ban's flankmanoeuvring troops" before Vienna. On this occasion (and it was one which tried the character and metal of every raw recruit) his men charged at the point of the bayonet, and gained Mannsworth, after a sanguinary struggle.
At the head of his battalion he three times repulsed the Serezans of Jellachich, and his horse being shot under him, he seized his pistols and led his men to the charge on foot, arming them with the muskets of the slain Austrians, in place of the rude and cumbrous scythes which many of his men carried. This may be considered as the only advantageous sequel to the battle, fought, as it was, under the walls of the imperial city, which was on the whole disastrous to the Hungarian cause. In reward of the skill, bravery, and success, displayed by Guyon, (even while defeats and reverses surrounded him), he was made a colonel on the field. It is the subject of especial remark; by one competent to judge of such matters, that though the Hungarian army was entirely defeated on that day at Schwechat, "Guyon and his battalion did their duty." It is proper to observe here, as being in a measure important to future results, that at the outset of Gorgey's campaigns, when manoeuvring to separate his army from the authority of the Hungarian diet, he found in the obdurate fidelity of Guyon an obstacle to his designs. Gorgey, irritated at this, abandoned him at Tyrnau with 1500 men, almost surrounded by the Austrian Field Marshal Simonich's army, whose forces had entered from the north into the Magyar territories. It was Guyon's, object to oppose this invasion, and, contrary to all expectation, when the relative numbers of the forces are considered, Guyon succeeded to a miracle He had received orders from Görgey to hold a certain position in the town of Tyrnau to the very last man; and with real British resolution, he kept his ground for two hours, when, according to the laws of strategy, he ought to have been driven back or overwhelmed in ten minutes. True, his battalion melted away to a quarter of its strength, the slaughter was tremendous, the standard went down several times, but when one hand unlocked, another grasped it, until it fell in the blood streaming street, aside the three colours of the Hungarian flag were blended in one vast mass of red.
The battle of Tyrnau took place on the 12th of December, 1848. Leaving the plain to the enemy, with such honours as he could choose to claim, Gorgey meanwhile marched his forces in three columns from Pesth to upper Hungary, while Guyon commanded the rear. These operations on parallel lines of advance and retreat, it seems, offer a difficulty in defining, hut Guyon, by a skilful and certainly heroic effort at Ipolysag, on the 10th of January, 1849, covered the whole baggage and saved it from the pursuing Austrians. Görgey, on the 17th, met with a decided check at Selmecz from the Austrian generals, Gotz and Jahlanowsky, who, with Simonich's divisions, had been permitted to enter unopposed by different passes into the country. At the head of the northern column Guyon was more successful, inasmuch as he carried away the gold and silver stores of the imperial government., from the mining districts, and the provision of gunpowder stored at Neusohl, both indispensable sinews of the war, and finally reached the Szepes without any farther serious engagement. On the 2nd of February, however, General Schlick's advanced guard made a descent upon Colonel Guyon, who had established himself with some haste at Iglo, and was not for several reasons aware of the vicinity of the enemy, though tile scouts and reconnoitering parties of Gorgey might have put him on his guard. Owing to some neglect (regarding which recrimination afterwards took place), neither pickets nor videttes had been posted, and the Austrian leader doubtless fancied he led his men to a detached outpost only, and proceeded to the centre of the town before they were challenged by a sentinel. The confusion immediately became appalling; Guyon's soldiers, column after columns, crowded the streets, which they proceeded to clear at the point of the bayonet; and, as at intervals a hoarse cry of command came from the rear, they opened to mate way for a withering discharge of artillery, and the Austrians found, to their dismay, that they had entered into the lair of a lion, who, if sleeping, was speedily roused to action. They wavered, broke ground, and fled, taking with them a few pieces of cannon they had captured at the first onset. Guyon, however, at the head of a squadron of cavalry, pursued, retook the guns, and captured the Austrian cars and ammunition.
Gorgey, who had turned a deaf ear to every appeal for co-operation made by Colonel Guyon, had meantime kept himself "suspiciously close" to the Gallician frontier, cut off from the open country by the army of Windischgratz; advancing to the Theiss, the sacred river of the Hungarian, he found his passage on the great Gallician road, barred by Schlick, at the Branyizko pass, at the head of 25,000 soldiers, which it was supposed 100,000 could not dislodge; a feat, nevertheless, reserved for Guyon to perform, with a mere tithe of that number. Gorgey avoiding pass and men, possibly by another "flank manoeuvre" borrowed from Jellachich's lexicon of strategy, left his subordinate the way to clear. Guyon advancing, therefore, towards the comity of Saros, found that Schlick (the most daring and talented of all the Austrian commanders) had already occupied the defiles and tremendous heights of Branyiszko. It was on this great occasion Guyon secured for himself a name, that will for ever live in the annals of great deeds, proving himself a worthy descendant of his gallant ancestor, who won his laurels when fighting under the banners of the illustrious Schomberg.
Now let us see how the strong man used his strength, and how British valour conquered apparent impossibilities. On the 5th of February, 1849, Guyon, and his brave Magyars, not 10,000 in number, stood in the valley; while 25,000 picked imperialists waited in watchfulness for the moment which was to behold the calculated extermination of the audacious insurgents that he led. To understand fully the difficulty of the attempt, the reader will bear in mind, that the position to be stormed, was the acclivity of a steep mountain, with every path and defile guarded by masses of bayonets, and by many a sullen cannon-mouth ready to disgorge its charge. This difficulty was rendered the more insuperable by recent frosts, which had covered almost every mountain path with a coating of ice. The snow lay on the ground, and. it was a severe winter's night, when a part of the troops, being ordered to disencumber themselves of their arms, climbed the narrow footpaths on their hands and knees between the rocks, carrying the cannons, which were taken to pieces, so as to enable.
Each man to bear his burden, with ammunition, ropes, &c. It was one in the morning before they reached the heights commanding the defiles, and their companions, meanwhile, engaged the Austrians in feigned attacks, and prevented their suspecting the movement. Before the storming was finally determined upon, and while many, feeling neither their leader's responsibility, nor partaking in his stupendous hope, seemed willing to decline the attempt, it is asserted, by more than one witness, that Guyon rode up to some lagging officers, and cried out in German: "Before the colours gentle men, if so, the men will follow; if not, there is grape shot for you," and he indicated with his loaded pistols, one of which he held in either hand, the spot where cannon charged with grape shot had been drawn up by his orders behind the infantry, and where each gunner stood with blazing match behind his gun, ready to pour their contents upon the craven. The soldiers, with a wild shout, sprang on their way, and at length reached the enemy. The contest was furious, but decisive, and the Austrians were driven in disorder, and with great slaughter, over the main ridge. Prisoners, arms, ammunition, and the impedimenta of the camp, were taken by the conquerors to an embarrassing amount, and a passage was thus opened for Gorgey, who, for unexplained reasons, permitted Schlick to carry off, at his leisure, the remainder of the army that had- thus fallen, through Guyon's conquest, into his hands. While the Hungarian diet decreed that Guyon's name should be inscribed upon a bronze pillar, in commemoration of a battle, that may be fairly put in comparison with the immortal victory of the Alma, Gorgey reaped the whole credit of the success, and had, afterwards, the bad taste to make so important an action the theme of coarse jokes an his tent and at his table. (6) This gallant feat of arms," says an eye witness, "not only saved the Hungarian army, but, by crowning the victories of Klapka, secured the sect of government, and drove the Austrians from the north of Hungary."
The victory of Branyiszko was the first tidings of the army of Gorgey which had reached the diet for a considerable time, and when it was stated that his troops in pursuit of Schlick, who was expected to join Windischgratz, had reached Kaschau, the joy was unbounded. When it subsequently appeared that Gorgey was not in the battle, and that the merit solely belonged to Guyon, a vote of thanks was passed to that brave officer, and it was decreed a marble column should be erected, on which his name should be inscribed, in bronze. No suspicion was, however, at that time breathed of Gorgey's conduct.
This victory, which enabled Gorgey to form a junction with the main army under Dembinski, a Polish general, who distinguished himself in the campaign's of Napoleon, and successfully fought against Marshal Diebitch, in the Polish revolution of 1831, created animosity and disputes between the partisans and friends of Gorgey and Guyon, respectively, to which a few words may here be opportunely devoted. Many Hungarians believe that even then at the period of the critical state of things at Branyiskzo, Gorgey began to nourish his future treacherous designs, and had brought his army to a position from which the inconvenient victory achieved by Guyon had alone relieved it. (7) Guyon had already suspected him, and had not hesitated to speak out, and it is a notorious fact, that a jealousy of Guyon's brilliant reputation, prompted the general always to depreciate and undervalue him. He admitted that Guyon was a Sabreur; a man of invincible energy and surpassing bravery, but that, as a strategist, he was unequal to Bem, Klapka, and other Hungarian generals. Certainly if we compare the strategy of the two leaders on this last occasion, when the one avoided the battle, and the other fought and won it, we would prefer the " Guyon strategy," which secured success.
Again, it is asserted (and proofs are here given) that Guyon possessed, in a remarkable degree, the tact of inspiring confidence in his men, even with the alternative of pistol or grape shot, of remedying a disaster, or of converting the same into an advantage. A Briton by birth, Guyon was a Magyar in the patriotism of his deeds, and in the fidelity of his oath to the Diet. Bold, indefatigable, and ardent, it is believed that, had the command of the Hungarian armies been consigned to him, they might have experienced defeat, but their arms would never have been sullied by treason. This, however, may be said of Bem, Dembinski, Klapka, and other brave and loyal men; but there was so much promise in the splendid achievements of Guyon; as to warrant the greatest faith in him, as a commander-in-chief, had the election fallen upon him. In favour of Gorgey, it may be urged, that all direct proofs are wanting of his designs to allow Guyon to be destroyed at the Branyiszko Pass, and. it is difflcult to believe, that a Soldier of such promise, as Görgey on many occasions proved himself to be, should entertain so base a thought. Again his treachery, as then alleged to be contemplated, by persons who have some personal knowledge of the matter, his future victories, and valour contradict such assertions, as well as the continued confidence he enjoyed, long after the Branyiszko event, from all the superior officers, (8) who served under him, and who had every opportunity to look into his cards; General Guyon, and the brave General Kmety included. Although it has been deemed proper to quote the rumours in support, as well as in condemnation of Gorgey, it is quite sufficient if he be hitherto exonerated. The act, by which he finally betrayed the destinies of Hungary, proves that not bravery, no devotion, no heroic deeds, could avail a nation, whose interests were confided to such perfidious and dangerous hands.
We have been led for a few moments from the line of narrative, and now resume it. At the battle of Kapolna, fought on the 26th of February, Guyon commanded a division of Dembinski's force, with less opportunity than he usually enjoyed of distinguishing himself, though it was one of the most important actions of the war. As a post of observation only had been assigned him, he was a passive spectator, rather than an active participator in the fight; but he covered Dembinski's corps as they retired on the second day after the engagement. As to the results of the battle of Kapolna itself, though the Austrians claim the honours of the day, there is scarcely a question, but that the victory lay with the Hungarians, as the Austrians, with vastly superior forces (an invariable fact), were driven from their positions, and relinquished their attacks, retiring certainly in good order upon Pesth, an example which Dembinski's army followed, but did not set, and leaving the Hungarians even on the second day masters of the field. It should not pass unmentioned, that Klapka played the most prominent part in this tremendous engagement; a brief sketch of which, together with his closing, career in Hungary, may not be regarded as out of pack.
"Towards the middle of February, Dembinski commenced operations, with the corps of Klapka and Gorgey, to oppose the Austrians in their advance from Pesth; Klapka thereby leading the van. In the vicinity of Erlau the latter surprised two escadrons of cuirassiers so successfully, that the greater part of them were either cut down or taken prisoners. A second and still more important surprise had been planned by that indefatigable leader against one of Schlick's divisions, who, entangled in the difficult defiles of the Matra Mountains, moved slowly onwards parallel with the Hungarians, intent on ejecting a junction with Windischgratz. Having received reliable intelligence of the difficult situation of the Austrians beyond the Matra, Klapka presently resolved to attempt an unexpected attack upon them, by means of one of the mountain passes. He accordingly despatched a strong detachment to scour the country, and was himself about to follow with a division, when he received a counter order from Dembinski, which compelled him to renounce his splendid scheme, when already half achieved. For the detached column had, at dawn on the Pith of February, stealthily fallen upon the sleeping Austrians, in their quarters at Petervasar, and by its sudden appearance spread such terror and confusion amongst them, that instead of attempting to resist, they sought safety in the most disorderly flight. As, however, no aid arrived, the Honveds turned round in the middle of the village, and fell back unmolested, taking a couple of hundred prisoners with them. The van of the Hungarian army, in short marches, reached Kapolna, ten miles beyond Erlau, and there deployed along the Tarna river, when Windischgratz, with 40,000 men and 200 guns appeared from Gyöngöys, and immediately opened a heavy cannonade upon the Honveds. At this moment not one half of the main army of 36,000 men and 160 guns, commanded by Dembinski, was concentrated on the threatened point, as Gorgey's divisions wore yet several miles behind the battlefield. The right wing of the small force which faced the enemy was commanded by Klapka. It consisted of a division of his own corps, with which he stood in Verpeleth, at a distance of three miles from the centre. The main object of his taste was to watch the pass of the Matra, by which Schlick was most likely to hasten to the support of Windischgratz, whose attack on that day chiefly consisted in attempts, to break through the centre. Towards the evening he discontinued operations, so that overnight both parties remained in possession of the hotly-contested field.
"At the beginning of the battle, Dembinski was at Erlau, and on the receipt of the news thereof, immediately set out for the scene of action, and despatched orders for Gorgey's advance. It was, however, physically impossible for the latter to come up in time. Thus, on the morning of the 27th of February, the action began afresh, under constantly increasing disadvantages for the Hungarians. At that time the numbers of the . Austrians were already swelled by Schlick's corps, who had forced the pass of Sirok, and at the break of day descended into the Tarna valley, to throw the weight of his troops into the balance of the wavering contest. At the outlets of the defile he encountered Klapka, who, at the head of 3,000 men, defended his post, step by step, against the overwhelming hostile forces. After a severe contest of two hours, the Austrians succeeded in dislodging him from Verpeleth. But, having rallied his battalions, Klapka undertook a vigorous assault to re-conquer the village. He pressed with a storming column into the main street, and continued to push forward, when his horse was killed under him. At the sight of his fall, the Honveds began to waver and to retreat, which compelled their commander to quit the village, though one of the last to do so.
"The Austrians, talking advantage of this momentary disorder, debouched from Verpeleth in strong cavalry columns, and attached Klapka's position behind the village, who sent three escadrons of hussars to charge them. The horsemen dashed against each other in a furious onset, swaying to and fro, in the terrible melee, like a gigantic whirlwind. As the struggle proved too unequal, Klapka ordered the reserve to come up to the support of his cavalry. But the enemy's horse having also been augmented by a fresh division, their shock at length decided the combat. The hussars, though they performed wonders of bravery, began to give way, and to seek shelter behind the infantry and the guns, which had now to sustain the whole weight of the assault. This was about mid-day. At this critical moment a division, led by Gorgey himself, hastened to the aid of the right wing, which not only re-established the balance of the battle, but also cleared the open space before the village of the enemy's horse. Hereupon, Gorgey took the command of the entire force, and despatched Klapka to bring up the second division of Allis corps, which was on its march loom :Erlau. While the right wing had so hard a struggle to maintain the ground, the fate of the day was decided in the centre, where Dembinski directed operations in person. But, spite of his personal bravery, with only four battalions at his disposal, he could not resist tire reiterated assaults of so superior an enemy. All his exertions were to no purpose. He was driven from Kapolna, and on leading a battalion of Italians to re- conquer the village, it was completely destroyed. Nothing remained for him but to beat a retreat along the whole line, which was accomplished in tolerable order, owing to the support of Gorgey's divisions, had just then arrived.
"When Klapka returned with the remnant of his corps, he found the right wing likewise in full retreat, and thus was only able to protect their flank from being turned by Schlick. On the following day the Army was concentrated at Kovesd, whence Dembinski, after defeating the Austrians in an arriere-garde engagement, resolved to recross the Theiss, spite of the entreaties of the sub- commanders, who, aware of the excellent spirit of their troops, would have preferred an attack on the Austrians to a disgraceful retreat. At the ensuing retrograde movement, whereby the whole army became entangled in the bogs of the Theiss, the most difficult part of manoeuvre, the leading of the rear guard, fell to Klapka's share. Having been ordered to protect the passage over the Erlau river, he took up a disadvantageous position at Egerfarmos, and in the face of a powerful enemy executed the hazardous task with astonishing skill, and with comparatively trifling losses amongst his men. When the exhausted horses and oxen could no longer proceed along the road, which, owing to a sudden thaw, was gradually transformed into a sea of mud, the devoted Honveds attached themselves to the guns and ammunition carts, and dragged them through the formidable defile. While the repeated breaking in of the bridge over the Erlau river greatly retarded the crossing, Klapka stood in defence of the point in the midst of the iron showers poured in upon him from six Austrian batteries drawn up opposite in a half circle. Though the swampy nature of ground scarcely permitted unlimbering of a few guns, his firm and dauntless attitude inspired the enemy with such respect, that they dared not approach him even in his desperate position. The passage, as well as the cannonade, lasted till evening; when at length, after indiscribable difficulties and hardships, the retreat was successfully effected. The next morning Klapka joined the army, which on the succeeding day crossed the Theiss at Füred."In the midst of these warlike preparations, an unforeseen and overwhelming storm burst forth in the vicinity of the castle ruins of the Vilagos. It was Görgey's treacherous surrender. The disastrous effect of such an event upon the land was easily to be foreseen; and in the expectation of what really hereafter happened, Klapka, though with a bleeding heart, gave up the projected march upon the capital of the Hapsburgs, and conducted his corps back to Komorn, there to await his country's coming doom. It ensued but too rapidly! Yet in spite of the hopelessness of their position, the unconquered hero and his garrison, proud of their recent victories, were by no means disheartened. With scorn they rejected Haynau's insolent summons to surrender, and compelled even that merciless foe to respect adversaries like themselves. Not until army after army had been disbanded, and fortress after fortress surrendered, when even the members of Government had fled to Turkish soil, and not a hope of relief remained for the isolated garrison; then, six weeks after Görgey's surrender, Klapka complied with the reiterated demands of Haynau, to capitulate on twelve honourable conditions, thereby saving all that yet remained in his power to save—the honour of the Hungarian arms and the garrison of Komorn. Great indeed must the Austrian's terror have been when actually in possession of the entire land, and backed, in case of need, by all the armies of Europe, from mere apprehension of Klapka's military renown, they granted a capitulation to a fortress, which at farthest must have succumbed to a two-months' siege.
"Komorn was to be delivered up in the beginning, of October. Ere that fatal day arrived, Klapka wished once more to see his brave Honveds arrayed under the protection of the sacred tricolor; while the banner of death and of iron rule already waved over the rest of the mourning land.
"On the 28th of September the garrison was paraded to divine service, which was at the same time to be a requiem for the comrades fallen in defence of their hearths. The troops, mustering twenty-two battalions and fourteen escadrons, assembled at eleven o'clock in the morning in the large intrenched camp, once again under arms, with flying colours, and their front once more turned towards the enemy. The day was chilly; a grey veil covered the sky, and cast a yet deeper shadow on the melancholy countenances of the warriors. The united bands played Mozart's Requiem. Every tone of the deep solemn strains rang as sadly and slowly through the still frosty air, as if laden with the dying hopes of so many patriotic hearts.
"At the conclusion of the service, Klapka decorated with medals of honour the breasts of those Honveds who had distinguished themselves in the last battle. At length this too came to an end; and now the defiling of the troops alone remained to bring that solemn farewell to a close. The bands struck up the ancient and favourite Rakoczi march, at whose inspiring sounds batteries, escadrons, and battalions, in slots time indeed, and yet in such rapid succession, marched past their beloved commander, to salute him with a last "Eljen.'' The scene was too overpowering for the noble and sensitive Klapka. He put spurs to his horse, and rode off to escape the pang of hearing the last "Eden" of the last Honveds.
"At length the sound of voices and of music ceased, men and horses disappeared, and in the wide arena, but a few moments before so replete with life and bustle, the stillness of death now reigned. Nothing was to be seen, save a few sentinels on the distant ramparts, who, as they stood out immoveable against the darkened sky, looked as if the, had been the shades of some of the fallen brave who had risen from their resting places to witness the last act of that patriotic farewell. All that betokened life there was a solitary vulture, which noiselessly cut through the air in an easterly direction, guided by its mysterious instinct towards the scenes of death anal destruction.
"While the troops were preparing to give up their trust, a violent storm set in on the night of the 1st of October, which so completely tore and scattered the white flag hoisted on the ramparts, that in the morning nought but the staff was to be seen. The people fully believed that the storm was the last protest of departing freedom against the occupation of the fortress by its hereditary enemy.
"Too proud to avail himself of the advantages of an amnesty at the hands of the Austrians, Klapka went into exile, there to share the fate of many of his brave compatriots. But, even as a houseless fugitive, he did not cease to labour for the benefit of his country. As his sword was sheathed, he took up the pen, and with great care and research, collected the materials for the history of the late struggle, Rich he presented to the world in two different works; the first in English and German, and the second in German, French, and Swedish. These works may be regarded as the most authentic accounts of the warlike events of that period.
"When the present war in the cast promised a fair field for the display of his talents, both in the council and on the battle field, Klapka hastened to Constantinople to offer his services to the Sultan against Russia. After protracted negotiations on the very eve of taking command, the alliance between Austria and Turkey was concluded. At Ibid turn in affairs, Klapka deemed it incompatible with his patriotic duty and honour to accept the proffered post; and he immediately left the capital, as well as the land of the Moslems." (9)
Soon after the battle of Kapolna, news reached Kossuth and the military leaders then at Debreczin (the seat of government), that General Török, in charge of Komorn, was not likely, for lack of sufficient energy, to hold it for any lengthened period, and consequently it was decided to promote two Hungarian officers to the rank of generals, with orders to attempt an entrance into the fortress. He that succeeded, was commissioned to supersede the commander then holding it in charge, and to assume the authority himself. One of these two was General Guyon, and the task was admirably suited to his adventurous nature. Wit, strategy, and daring, all must be employed, while the fact that honour and rank were to be obtained at the peril of his life, added a zest to the undertaking.
As a Jew peddler, he in vain sought to pierce through the enemy's lines, though more than once he was nearly successful, but he was just as often in danger, which ho only avoided by a ruse, exercised in different forms, and so making his escape until a rumour of the attempt ran through the camp; and this plan was necessarily changed for one still more daring and congenial. Equipping a squadron of his hussars in Austrian uniform; he managed, during the dusk of an evening, to pass undiscovered or unheeded almost through the enemy. They stumbled however upon an outpost, and the Austrian sentinel challenged them, but was instantly captured, while his unsuspecting commanding officer advancing to know the cause of this apparent confusion, Guyon seized him by the hair of his head, and handing him over to two of his hussars, commanded him at the same time to bid his men surrender, or, pointing to some carts that in the obscurity of the evening might be mistaken for artillery, he threatened to blow them instantly to atoms. The startled officer obeyed, and Guyon proceeded onward with a batch of prisoners, twice the number of his own party, towards a flying bridge, leading by a beautiful grove of palm trees, to the city itself, which is built at the junction of the Danube and Vag. The night itself was well fitted for such a surprise. It was raining, freezing, and blowing, hard, while the shells were bursting over the town, and whistling like wingless demons through the midnight air. The congreve rocket ascended in its serpentine flight, shaking its fiery tail, while the heavy bomb rose higher and higher, trembling with the fire within, till suddenly turtling, it fell to the earth with a fearful crash, or, bursting in the air, scattered its various fragments far and wide upon the roofs below.
Several houses on which the bombs descended had taken fire, and the wind, carrying the sparks from roof to roof, a church, which had hitherto escaped destruction, was soon enveloped in flames. It was the Reformed Church, the pride of the city. Some Zealous partisans of this faith endeavoured to rescue the noble edifice, but they were few; and after great exertions, amidst showers of balls, which whistled incessantly around, they succeeded at last in preventing the fire extending further. But there were not enough of hands to save the church, the flames had already reached the tower. At this moment appeared the man whose energies and presence of mind alone were capable of arresting the devastation that was impending.
"The light of the burning church gleamed far through the darkness on a troop of horsemen, who were hastening towards the fortress. They were hussars; their leader was a short strong built man, with light brown hair, and a ruddy complexion, which was heightened by the glare of the fire. His lips were compressed, and his eye flashed as he pointed towards the burning tower, and redoubled his speed. On reaching the Danube, they were promptly challenged by the sentinel, and the leader, snatching a paper from his bosom, presented it to the officer on guard, who, after a hasty glance, saluted the stranger respectfully, and suffered the troop to pass across into the town.
"At the extremity of the street which leads to the Vag, and where there was least danger to be apprehended from the enemy's battery, their progress was arrested lay a crowd of men, principally officers of the national guard, who were standing gazing on the fire. The leader of the troop rode up to them and inquired in a voice of stern command, what their business was in that quarter.
"'Who are you sir?' replied a stout gentleman, with a large beard and a gold braided pelisse, in a tone of offended dignity.
"It was easy to judge by his appearance that he was one of those representative dignitaries, ever jealous of their authority before the military.
"'My name is Richard Guyon!' replied the stranger, 'henceforward commander of this fort. I ask again, gentlemen, what you do want here?'
"At the mention of this name, some voices among the crowd cried, 'Eljen !' (vivat!)
"'I don't want Eljens,' cried Guyon, 'but deeds' 'Why are none of you assisting to extinguish the fire?'
"'I beg your pardon, General,' replied the municipal major, sheepishly, assuming a parliamentary attitude before the commander, 'but really the balls are flying so thickly in that direction, it would be only tempting Providence, and throwing away lives in vain.'
"'The soldier's place is where the balls are flying. Move on, gentlemen.'
"'Excuse me, General, probably you have not witnessed it; but really the enemy are firing in such an unloyal manner, not only bombs of a hundred and sixty pounds weight, and shells which burst in every direction, but also grenades and fiery balls of every description, which are all directed against those burning houses.' The worthy major endeavoured to introduce as much rhetoric as possible into his excuses.
"'Will you go, Sir, or will you not?' cried the General, cutting short his oration; and drawing a pistol from his saddle bow, he deliberately pointed it at the forehead of the argumentative major, indicating that his present position was as dangerous as the one he dreaded in the midst of bombs and fiery balls.
"'Mercy!' he stammered; 'I only wish to express my humble opinion.'
"'I am not used to many words. In the hour of danger, I command my men to follow, not to precede me; whoever has any feeling of honour, has heard my words' and dashing his spurs into : his horse, he galloped forward. In a few seconds the place was empty, not a man remained behind. An hour afterwards, thousands were eagerly working to extinguish the fire. The commander himself, foremost in the danger, seemed to be everywhere at once; wherever the balls flew thickest, and the fire raged most furiously, his voice was heard exciting and encouraging his men. 'Never mind the balls, my lads; they never strike those who do not fear them!' At that instant, the aide-de-camp at his side was struck down by a twenty-four pounder. The general, without being discouraged by this mal-a-propos sequel to his words, only added:—'Or, when they do, it is a glorious death!'
"A universal 'Eljen!' rose above the thunder of the cannon, and the howling of the elements.
"'On lads! Save the spire!' continued the General.
The bells of the tower had already fallen, one by one, into the church, but the fire was visibly decreasing, and the people redoubled their exertions, working hard until the morning. Their efforts were crowned with success, and the tower, with its great metal spire, stands to this day, thanks to the Energy and courage of the Hero of Branyisko." (10)
It was on the 21st of April, 1849, that Guyon made his triumphal entry into Komorn, announcing to the formerly despairing, but now delighted, garrison, and the discouraged inhabitants, the approach of the Hungarian army, and the immediate prospect of raising the siege; in fact, three days did not pass, before the latter event was compelled, by the victorious Magyars. Guyon himself, who had shortly before cut his way into Komorn with a handful of Hussars, now commanding the garrison, made a successful sally, defeating the Austrian army on the left bank of the river. He had already thrown a bridge across it, in expectation of the arrival of Gorgey, but the general refused to cross, alleging it would not prove sufficiently strong, although Guyon, with his troops and heavy guns, had already passed over it.
The siege of Komorn was raised. The Hungarian army had executed a manoeuvre, which stands all but unparalleled in the history of strategical operations. After an uninterrupted retreat of many weeks, and in various directions, after a retreat which would have had a disheartening and demoralising effect even upon the best disciplined troops, the Hungarian army made a sudden stand, and turning round upon the enemy, who came up in hot pursuit, they defeated them in every encounter, and compelled them to retrace their steels on the very ground over which they had hurried with the eagerness and the exultation of an all but certain success.
This series of successes, conceived with boldness, and executed with equal skill and daring, served to confirm the reputation which now made Guyon's name one of European note. His arrival in Komorn, and the instant good results, formed one of those thrilling crises in the lives of men of action, which invest them with a deathless interest in the eyes of the world, compensating at the same time for much of the peril and anxieties which surround a soldier's life. Komorn was full of enthusiasm, and gave expression to the same with all the romantic ardour and vivacity peculiar to the Magyar nature.
In the month of June, the two hostile armies of the Austrians and Hungarians stood all but passively opposed to each other, until General Vetter was appointed to the command of the Hungarian army in the south, when it resumed the offensive. On General Guyon's surrendering the command of Komorn to General Klapka, as his successor, he joined the forces of Vetter, and, by the orders of the latter, attacked the Croats on the very day Jellachich had designed for an attack upon the Hungarians. The Ban was totally defeated at Hegyes, and driven with tremendous loss and confusion out of the Banat. The Russian invasion, which created a diversion in favour of Austria, again compelled the Hungarians to concentrate their forces. Guyon and the nucleus of the southern army were obliged to hasten by forced marches into the interior, and Jellachich was once more saved, though Klapka and Gorgey, against the Austrian legions, led by the merciless Haynau, fought a great battle in the neighbourhood of Komorn, moving down column after column, and squadron after squadron, until the Russian guns were brought up against them, which restored the almost broken fortunes of the day, and saved the soldiery of Haynau from impending destruction. From, and even before, the period of Guyon's entrance into Komorn, he became, for good reasons of his own, and those not concealed, one of the most determined opponents of General Gorgey. Guyon had strong faith in Kossuth, and he saw that Gorgey had long ago thrown every difficulty in the way of the former's policy; for from the moment of the declaration of Hungarian Independence, Gorgey was the openly acknowledged leader of an opposition party in the army. Such old soldiers of the Austrian school of politics, as formed a portion of it, though willing to defend their constitutional rights to the last, were unwilling to fight for the end of a definite separation from the perjured House of Hapsburgh, and exhibited a decided aversion towards the establishment of an Hungarian republic; which, by the way, and put in contrast with the old feudal and monarchical institutions of Hungary, it is doubtful whether its existence would have been beneficial, or even permanent, but to which Guyon, in full honesty of purpose, had assented, and devoted himself.
The declaration, however, once made, there existed in the army two chief parties, reckoning on both sides high abilities and honour. On the one side, there belonged Bem, Dembinsky, Klapka, Guyon, Damjanics, and Perczel. The adherents of Count Szechenyi formed the opposition party, whose names we need not here particularise. The second objective reason had its origin in Gorgey's expedition against Buda. The taking of this stronghold is held to be a noble feat of arms, but also to be a strategical blunder, if not a positive and premeditated act of treason on the part of Gorgey himself. Hence Guyon's unalterable opinion of the General; for instead of pursuing the Austrian army into the very heart of the empire to Vienna, with insurrection ready to rage at the smallest spark, and dictating their conditions of Peace before the Russian forces could arrive, Gorgey laid siege to Buda, lost the time and the opportunity never to lie retrieved, permitted the Austrians to reorganize themselves, while Hungary had now to fight with the combined armies of Austria and Russia.
It has been remarked by an able and popular svriter, (11) that in this crisis of affairs, Kossuth did not display his accustomed energy. They say he ought to have repaired in person to Buda, and compelled the refractory soldier to march on Vienna, and dictate his own terms to a Court that trembled at the approach of the avengers of their country's wrongs. Gorgey, favourites as he was with the majority of the army, would not for a moment have refused to obey the commands of the Governor of the Commonwealth. For such was the eloquence of this extraordinary man, and the spell which his mere appearance exercised over all hearts, that both generals and soldiers would have flown to the ends of the earth to obey him. In short, it is said that the energy and persuasion of his words were so irresistible, and his bearing and demeanour so imposing, that Gorgey himself, daring and ambitious as he was, would have sunk into a mere cypher in his presence. But it was not to be, disaster followed disaster, after the capture of Buda, which increased from the moment the traitor secured to himself dictatorial power. Then uncontrolled in his plans, he destroyed in a few weeks the bravest army that ever took the field, and with Machiavelian cunning, placed the unfortunate country it was his interest and honour to defend to the death, beneath the iron heel of an oppressor that knew no mercy, stamped for ever the name of Gorgey with the brand of a traitor, left himself alone in the world a living Cain, to be shunned by all mankind.
"The declaration of Independence," says an eloquent writer, " had irrevocably broken up all hopes of a compromise with the dynasty, and there was therefore no hope but in its utter defeat and abolition. Even for this extreme measure the moment was favourable. The Austrian troops flying and disorganised,—the Hungarian army, flushed with victory, at their heels,—Vienna trembled. Then Kossuth himself might have gloried in the probable realisation of his wildest schemes, for, having passed the Rubicon, and severed himself from Austria, he might have attempted to confer on the other nationalities of the empire the like independence he expected to gain for Hungary. As he had now thrown the dice, such was the surest way to preserve his stakes. But at that decisive moment, the army went back to besiege Buda, in which a small garrison had been left by the retreating Austrians.
"The Government either did not perceive the greatness of the moment, or did not dare to enforce the necessary orders. Gorgey received instructions to follow the enemy with the bulk of his army, and to direct a few thousand men upon Buda. But he sent a small force to follow the enemy, and marched with the greatest part of the troops to besiege Buda. After a month's siege Buda fell before a splendid assault. But in the mean time the enemy's forces were reorganised, and a Russian army had assembled on the frontier. The second moment for a coup de main on Vienna passed away like the first.
"The fall of Buda was the last gleam of the sun of Hungary. Buda, the old capital which overlooks the field of Rakos, where, in bygone times, her proud nobles assembled to discuss the affairs of their country in the sight of heaven;—Buda, the town of Matthias Corvinus, who made the Hungarian name resound from the Baltic to the Adriatic;—Buda, the scene of the most heroic events in the national history,—the sacred Palladium of the Hungarian,—was again in the hands of the nation. Never, during the whole war, had there been so much bravery, and so much contempt of death displayed. It was as if the meanest soldier had been an inspired hero. Gorgey became the pride of Hungary, as Kossuth had been her love.
"But in this brilliant display few observed that the star which had guided the nation up to this moment, and which had pointed out the way for her leaders, had become extinguished. That star was faith. Faith in the justice of the cause—faith in her own virgin strength, had elevated tile nation to that sublime height which attracted the gaze of the world. Faith had been the pillar of fire, going before her, and sustaining her courage in the dark night of trouble and misfortune. Faith had hardened tile bare-footed Honved against cold and hunger, and prompted the Magyar woman, peasant anti princess alike, to submit to the severest privations. But when the nation awoke from that intoxication into which her many victories, crowned by the fall of Buda, had thrown her, the star was gone, and the Sky grew darker and heavier day by day. The pathway was obscured; the nation lost herself; she had begun an undertaking, or had been led to attempt one, which she had no longer faith to accomplish. A negative idea, the dethronement of her Royal House, had been Put before her as the reward of her exertions. This excited no enthusiasm, and when the pompous proclamations intended to rouse her soul to fresh exertions severe published, they spread panic instead of encouragement.
"If at this moment a new and energetic arm had seized the reins, an arm guided by a clear head and by a firm conviction, would all then had been lost? Probably not; for the nation, feeling the imminence of the storm, was more willing than ever to be led in the right direction. But the leaders ceased to confide in themselves: losing the purity and singleness of their early love, they lost their faith, their head, and their hope."
"The errors which overwhelmed Hungary in quick succession during this third period,—the period of her decline,—were consequences of this irresolution. The siege of Buda, instead of a vigorous pursuit of the enemy,—Dembinsky's lingering on the frontiers of Gallicia, instead of carrying the war into that country, and seeking there allies among the people ready to join him,—the incredible hesitation which prevented the adoption of one determined plan of defence,—and, finally, the fatal indecision in selecting a comrnander-in-chief in place of Gorgey, are the results of one and the same cause. All pointed in a natural direction to the surrender of Vilagos.
"So ended the Hungarian war of independence. The sword was laid down and the work of the executioner's axe begun. It has been an elevating but distressing vision. A nation, strong in her right, driven to extremes, defends herself, and at first humbles her aggressor. Hurried into extremes herself, she falls.
"Of the two men who had her destiny in their hands, one is under surveillance, and if not a prisoner, is certainly a pensioner of the enemy. The other is wandering in distant countries seeking help for his down-trodden fatherland. One has hitherto been the object of the execration of his nation and of mankind. The other has received the homage of the two greatest people in the world. One had too low an opinion of the cause he defended; the other estimated it too highly. Gorgey judged, first as a soldier, and then as an Hungarian; Kossuth first as a cosmopolite, and then as an Hungarian. One was too near, the other too far, for the mark.
"This mark was nationality, the dearly-bought jewel for which the Hungarian has so often shed his best blood; the oriflamme which will at this moment alone inspire him, and which he will follows so long as his name exists. It is his religion, his history, his literature, his country, the very atmosphere ho breathes.
"But the struggle in another light cannot; be considered as a mere national affair. It was one of principle:—Hungary, the isolated and constitutional, against the absorbing centralization and absolutism of Austria. Such a struggle, in order to yield a decisive verdict, ought to have been left to itself; but Austria did not conquer by the vitality of her institutions, or the energy of her forces. She was obliged to have recourse to foreign aid. Such victory is a defeat' as it respects the settlement of the two Principles involved, and likewise as it regards the future greatness of Austria. Three years have elapsed since Hungary was crushed before the Czar, and placed at the foot of the Emperor of Austria. But has Austria made one step in the fulfillment of her centralizing schemes? It is still the state of siege which maintains her tranquility. Her reluctant subjects, deprived of the last shadow of a representative system, are held in subservience. by terror, not by love. (12)
"It is not difficult to foresee what will be the future of that tendency to centre all government in the rulers alone, which is now creeping over the Continent. Least of all does mystery hang over the fate of Austria. Its doom is written in language as clear as that which flashed in fire through the banqueting hall of Babylon. We see an image of gold, iron, and clay; but the gold has been corrupted and the iron weakened, and what now remains of either is but a scale to hide rather than adorn the earth of which the image consists:—and it is but an image after all, for where is the life? The House of Austria must now stand alone. The last golden link which bound Hungary to its rulers, and to which age had imparted the reverence due to antiquity, has been melted in the fire kindled to burn up a nations liberties, and to forge, not chains of love, but the fetters of servitude humiliation. This unhappy House, deceived by its successes, may think it has quenched the spirit of freedom, Imt the World's records are a proof that the strongest arguments of despotism so lavishly used by imperial oppressors— the hangman, the axe, and the prison,—are inadequate instruments for suppressing tile breath of a nation which pants for liberty.
"Were the millions of voices which cry, 'Haze es Szabadsag,' (country and freedom) in the Magyar tongue, silenced by the Austrian executioner; or were the millions of hearts which animate those tongues impaled in a death-struggle on the bayonets of a mercenary Austro-Russian host—Hungary would not be dead. The destined avenger will yet arise." (13)
But to return from this digression, somewhat necessary, however, to the elucidation of the causes Rich led to the decline and fall of Hungary's power, let us once more follow Guyon's fortunes. After having surrendered his charge at Komorn, his task was ended, and the city relieved front the presence of the enemy. Guyon's dauntlessness and cool presence of mind, while with the southern army, served him on numerous occasions of personal danger. We will give an illustration or two. Once, when accompanied by one only of his staff, and a few hussars, he had procured some wagons and a guide, whose integrity, nevertheless, was suspected, and, consequently, narrowly watched and guarded. He led them (it was then night) through a portion of a thick forest, and during a difficulty with the wagons, managed to escape. One of the Fussers discharged a pistol after him, apparently not without eject, for the shot was followed by a shriek. Presently the clanking, of sabre scabbards was heard, which made it clear that they were ill the neighbourhood of a party of the enemy's cavalry. Guyon whispered to his men to keep perfectly still, but if discovered, to spur on at full charge, and cut right and left. The enemy presently passed by, leaving Guyon and his men undiscovered, who accordingly made their way back to their quarters with the wagons, which, when necessary, they skilfully took to pieces, and so carried them over ravine and ditch, avoiding, at the same time, alarming the active patrols of the foe.
On a similar occasion he was out with a staff Officer, and an equally small party of his hussars, together with a priest, who figured with them on various occasions. They came up to a farm, when, Guyon's eye being attracted by several oxen, he dismounted' and entered the house in order to bargain for the same. Some difficulty occurring about the teens, the priest, during the debate, had time to observe a party of Austrian cavalry approaching at a distance but apparently unconscious of their vicinity. The priest, instantly apprized Guyon of his danger, warning him to fly without delay. The latter not heeding this hint, continued to haggle about a few florins, as though there had not been an enemy to be found for miles, The latter drew nearer, and still the priest was plucking the General's sleeve, vainly inducing, him to depart. At length, the bargain being, completed, Guyon delivered the cattle into the charge of two or three hussars, ordering them to drive them off as rapidly as possible, while the priest, mounting his horse, galloped after the live stock without delay. The general, instead of taking the same direction, gave the word to his remaining men to "wheel and charge." The Austrians, who were formidable in their numbers, met the charge steadily, and the hussars, mostly recruits, broke and fled in confusion. In the meantime the staff officer beheld the general come horse and man to the ground, and no hope being left but in flight, he, being well mounted, followed, and overtook a few of the fugitives. These having distanced pursuit, again fell in with a party, of Hungarian cavalry.
The staff officer now rode back with his augmented force, in order to learn the fate of the general, and, if possible, rescue him. On arriving at the spot where the officer had seen his general fall, there lay a dragoon in a white cloak. It was the body of an Austrian, with a deep sabre cut in his neck. They were too few in number to go further, and he resumed to head quarters with the men, in order to ask for a stronger force, and Hake a more extended search for the missing general. In answer to the staff officer's application, the general he addressed, exclaimed in a tone of surprise, "Who! Guyon? why he is here-safe and well ;" and turning in astonishment to a Moult his respondent pointed out, there, certainly, the officer beheld the general in the midst. It turned out in explanation, that Guyon, in endeavouring to rally his brokers party, was ridden down, by one of them in his effort to escape, and for a moment or two was so stunned, that the enemy doubtless thought him dead. On regaining his feet, however, and seeing himself almost surrounded by the enemy, he seized the pistols, which lay in the holsters of his saddle, disengaged himself while firing, at an advanced Austrian, whom he missed, but placing his back against a cart, he killed him with a sword thrust (the same discovered death), severely wounded another, and seizing a horse, leaped on back, cut his way through tile rest, and so arrived in safety at his quarters. (14)
One act of the great historical drama in which Guyon played so prominent a part is about to close, and to terminate in a manner somewhat befitting the grandeur and vastness of the stake for which he had played his part in the world's stage, with something like heroic recklessness in all that concerned his life, liberty, and its dearest interests. And if, unhappily, victory declared not for this gallant and oppressed people, some feeling of consolation will be experienced by every right-thinking Englishman in the remembrance, that, in this great crisis of European history, in this struggle for the freedom of nations, England was represented on the battle field by one of her bravest sons; and never did the unbending will and fiery nature of this true soldier shine forth with greater lustre, than on this eventful day. Clad in the armour of a righteous cause, and burning to flesh his sword in the blood of the barbarous Muscovite, the Patriot Hero went~forth to do battle with the world's oppressors. Concentrating with marvellous rapidity 10,000 devoted hussars, his ever-watchful eye seeing at a glance at what time the strong arm of cavalry could be brought to bear with good results, and hastening to repair Bem and Dembinski's errors in engaging in battle before the reserved park of ammunition had arrived, he pierced the countless masses of Austrian and Russian infantry, and charging with all his chivalry, which shook the fate of nations, he broke the reserved forces of the enemy's splendid cavalry, exhibiting, in this stern contest, an attitude so grand and irresistible, that the fierce Haynau and the Russian General Panuitin, (the now commander-in-chief of the vast Russian army), stood paralysed spectators of the scene, and unable to contend against British valour, and the rush of the Hungarian horse, saw with dismay the flower of two imperial armies, scattered and fugitive. An eye-witness (15) of this great battle, thus describes the action. "On the 9th of August, 1849, the Austrian and Hungarian armies met near Temesvar, a most important centre of operations for the Austrians. The former, under General Haynau, and vastly superior in numbers, had, in addition, been augmented by a Russian corps d' armee of 16,000 men; Field-Marshal Bem, who had arrived from Transylvania for that purpose, directed the opposing force. It was a battle chiefly of artillery, the operations being materially assisted, however, by several squadrons of cavalry.
Until half-past four in the afternoon, Bem, who pressed forward personally with his left living and chief force of artillery, drove the enemy from position to position. The last reserves of the Austrian and Russian squadrons now charged, in order to retrieve the day, but were driven back in confusion by Guyon, at the head of his noble hussars. The battle was now thought to be won by the Hungarians. The Austrians had left the field, and the Russians were retiring, when suddenly Bem's artillery ceased. His ammunition was exhausted. Prince Liechtenstein, at this unfortunate juncture, pressed on the Hungarian right wing, mainly consisting of recruits and levies, who had never yet been engaged and who, seeing their leader Dembinski wounded, retired in great disorder. Bem, meanwhile, having fallen with his horse, had broken his collar-bone, and his left wing, unsupported by artillery, was forced to retire.
Again Guyon's turn came, and he now led his hussars right up to the enemy's guns; but men and horses having been for nearly four-and-twenty hours without food or forage, failed, with dreadful loss, in their efforts. It was an attempt utterly hopeless, and the order for retreat was then reluctantly given, and as reluctantly obeyed; but the Hungarians retired from the field unpursued. The system of Napoleon, followed by Bem, the concentration of columns, would, perhaps, have proved successful on this occasion, as it had so after done in Transylvania, had the ground been less unfavourable, and ammunition more abundant. But when to these deficiencies were added the demoralisation the army, and the vast superiority in numbers possessed by the enemy, Little could be expected, but a glorious defeat. Bem, knowing the importance of the day, left nothing undone on his part, and displayed the whole magnificence of his resources. With admirable coolness he seemed to be everywhere at each critical moment, yet without any appearance of hurry. His energy displayed itself wonderfully; at the same time that he observed the movements of the enemy, he not only directed the necessary evolutions, and gave the minutes" orders, Tut frequently fired off the cannon with his own hands. Generally speaking, he sat amidst the iron showers that rattled by, calm and tranquil upon his horse, which seemed to partake in some degree the character of its master, and those who were near him say, that a grenade falling three paces off, was not observed by him, but that the animal turned its head' understood the danger, and moved aside sufficiently to place itself and its master in safety. From time to time the veteran general would raise one of his hands, the other was in a sling, to his right temple, to wipe away the blood of a wound, mixed with perspiration, that would have obscured his vision; yet he Crave no other signs of knowing that he was hurt; his whole mind ever bent on the result of this important day." (16)
Towards midnight, and while passing through a forest, the Hungarian troops were seized by a sudden panic, which caused their dispersion in all directions. The next morning Guyon sent to Kossuth, that he could not collect a thousand men, and urged him to hasten the arrival of Gorgey. The Austrian and Russian generals, however, allowed five days to elapse, without attempting to engage the remnant of the Hungarian army, and the soldiers gradually returned to their duty, and reassembled at Lugos. Gorgey had already, and voluntarily laid down his arms, and surrendered at Vilagos, and the sun of Hungary was set, though as we write, the Magyar patriot's watchword, " Resurgam," sounds in our ear.
But all was not yet lost for Hungary. On the 5th of August, Klapka made a sally from Komorn, pushed on to Raab, and dispersed the Austrian army of observation, carrying off 3000 prisoners, all their artillery, and 2500 head of cattle, with other stores, intended for Haynau's army. Vienna was unprotected, and but for the intelligence of the disaster before Temesvar, Klapka intended to have marched his troops to the gates of the Austrian capital, Were only 8000 men were left to oppose him. Gorgey's army was also still powerful enough to arrest the progress of the enemy. With the collected remnants of the army of the south, under such succesful and fearless leaders as Bern and Guyon, with the efficient troops of Klapka under their able general, opposed to Austria in her present weak condition, with the gallant army and able officers under Gorgey; with the fortress of Arad still in the hands of the Hungarians; with the people always ready to answer the call of Kossuth, whose energies were unwearied, and courage dauntless, the country might have a second time driven out the combined armies of Austria and Russia, lout what army or -hat nation can resist the machination of false friends and hidden foes? (17)
Moving now in isolated bodies, now concentrated as circumstances would admit, and as best calculated to ensure their general safety, they mournfully made their way towards Wallachia, preparatory to the memorable emigration into Turkey. On their melancholy route, General Kmety (18), accompanied by half a dozen officers, were attacked by a number of peasants, and forced to fight for their lives. The contest was a gallant one; Kmety defended himself like a lion, with his sabre and eight-barrelled pistol, which he had himself taken in the battle of Mezekovich from Colonel Auersperg. Two fell by his hand, whilst he received not a single wound from any of the balls discharged at him; but, in spite of his efforts, and those of his officers, they severe overpowered, disarmed, and bound elbow to elbow, and driven back towards the village. In the afternoon, the party reached the village, and the prisoners revere at once shut up in a wooden house, where a variety of tortures severe inflicted upon them, as scorching their bodies with red hot irons, and beating their heads and faces with the but end of Kmety's Pistol. Their state of mind may be imagined; no hope seemed possible, and they waited with impatience for the moment when it should please the savages to put an end to their sufferings by death. It happened, however, that one of the officers spoke Wallachian, and contrived so to ingratiate himself with the peasants as to be let loose, and allowed to stroll about free from torture, and disregarded. By degrees he edged out of the village, and finding that he was not watched, made all haste to Weislowa, where he was fortunate enough to find Bem, who had arrived by way of the mountains from Dewa, leaving all his artillery and ammunition behind, and thus slipping through the fingers of his implacable enemies. Orders were immediately given to the Polish Hulans to go to the rosette of General Kmety; and General Guyon, admirably fitted to carry out such an order, had the command of the expedition. The distance was soon traversed. When the party entered the village, they were met by the judge, or magistrate, who had discerned them galloping over the fields. The uniform of the hulans in the Hungarian, and of those in the Austrian service, only differs in the colour of the little feathers in their caps, and the streamers on their lances. These Guyon had cleverly ordered to be removed, so that the judge could not tell with whom he had to deal, but Guyon in reply to his question, saying, " We are for Austria," pleased him immensely. He vowed that he had never been so happy as at that moment, when he was in a position to shew that he was not an unworthy subject of the king he had served. "In fact," he said, "his people had that day made a most important capture, among whom, was one of evidently high rant." "Where are your prisoners ?" inquired Guyon. The old villain, fearing that the justice even of Austria might revolt at the cruelties that had been committed, declared that they had been led for greater security into the mountains. Guyon, who saw through the falsehood of this assertion, ordered a party of Hulans to search the village. It was high time. These poor fellows were found in a shed, close by a mill, which was turning with a horrible noise, in order to stifle their cries. The scene that followed may be imagined. Kmety and Guyon embraced, while the Hulans proceeded to inflict chastisement on the peasants, and the judge, who had plumed this atrocious crime; while Guyon and his Hulans bore their wounded and ill-treated friends away in safety to Weislowa. General Bem arrived soon afterwards, and established himself there. He had been compelled to take this extraordinary march, by the desperate position of affairs. He had left the Russians on the left, and the Austrians on the right, and had thus reached safely, with the remnant of his army, this little village, which is situated at the mouth of the valley, leading into the heart of the Carpathian mountains, in the direction of Turkish Wallachia.
The emigration to Turkey being finally decided upon, the routes by way of Wallachia, Transylvania (by the Pass of the Iron Gate), and any other that combined nearness and safety, being discussed, Field-marshal Bem, General Baron Stein, General Guyon, General Kmety, together with several colonels, lieutenant-colonels, with officers of minor rank, and soldiers of every class, all forming a little band of betrayed and defeated patriots, commenced that, now well-known, march from the scene of their devoted gallantry, and crossing the mountains of Moraul, and the volcanic Carpathian ridges, with their sounding torrents, and impenetrable forests, succeeded in reaching Wallachia.
The author of The Honved, whose pen is as radiant as his sword, and who formed one of this band of brothers, thus describes the progress of the expedition. "It was four o'clock in the morning that the sudden roll of the drum, and the inspiriting voice of the trumpet bid us be up and going. Every rank had its martyrs, every rank furnished, as it were, its deputation of exiles. The signal was obeyed in solemn silence; for now the gallant Hungarians, who had stood out for country and freedom to the last moment, who had rushed heart and soul into battle, to risk life for their fatherland that had born them, and the no less gallant strangers who had fought for the same cause, and gained a right to the same exile, were about to bid adieu, God only knew for how long—perhaps for ever—to the hills and plains of their beloved Hungary. It was enough to melt the heart even of an indifferent spectator, to behold the remnant of this glorious army begin its march; the artillery, without their guns, many of the hussars, without their horses,—lost, perhaps, in the last battle, and regretted as one regrets the best and oldest friend, and the chasseurs, without cartridges, for most of them had sent their last ball to the hearts of their enemies. An atmosphere of sadness weighed upon us. Even at other times, the sight of the wretched little village we severe leaving, carelessly cast, as it seemed, at the foot of the dreary forest-clad mountains, would have alone been sufficient to excite melancholy reflections ; but this long file of exiles, coming slowly forth from it, in the grey of morning, gave almost a funeral aspect to the scene, and there was something heart-thrilling in the enthusiasm with which the hussars shouted, even as they left their country,—' Our country for ever!'
"Deep grief sat upon the faces of those who, not two days before, had commanded an army in all its pride; but it was admirable, on the whole, to witness the resignation and the fortitude of General Bem, crippled even as he was, with a thousand wounds; Kmety, as he went out of the village, lifted up his eyes and hands in thanksgiving, for his escape from that horrible death with which he had been menaced on the previous day; and in the energetic face of Guyon, could be read the pleasure he felt at having been the instrument of this good work. I cannot express all the sad poetry, all the melancholy reflections, that filled our souls at the hour of departure. Soon, however, like true soldiers hardened to adversity, we quieted our excited feelings, and, once well in motion, advanced, perhaps with forced gaiety, and in the best order. A small body of hussars formed the vanguard. Then came the carriage of General Bem; he wore the grey-blue coat of an Hungarian general, embroidered with gold, but rent in various places by ball or sabre; decorations glittered on his breast, his head was covered with that low-crowned, broad-brimmed, black hat, called a 'Kossuth,' surmounted by a large white plume, and as usual his feet were lost in an immense pair of horse- boots. By his side sat General Kmety, a man about the same size as Bem, shoving nothing of his face but an immense dark beard, and two bright eyes, beneath a small undress cap. His brown attila (a kind of coat) was adorned with frogs of red and gold, and his grey trowsers disappeared in a pair of huge puckered boots. He had lost his sword in the dangerous adventure of the previous day. The two generals talked seriously together as they drove along. Next followed a body of light infantry, and then many officers' carriages. Some other generals, surrounded by the etat-major, were on horseback,—Guyon, in his white cloak, his shako, with his long fair beard, and short bushy hair, and Baron Stein, one of the best officers in the Hungarian service.
The remaining infantry came next, with some hussars, the baggage-wagons, camp-followers, and servants; and at a quarter of an hour's distance a rear-guard, composed of two squadrons of hussars and a body of light infantry. Our total numbers were, I believe, somewhere about two thousand men.
We had a tolerably good road up the valley, for nearly two hours, when we crossed the stream that ran on our right hand, and bathed our feet on the threshold of this sacred expedition, in water which nature seemed to pour for the purpose, from the sides of the Carpathian mountains. On the opposite bank a bivouac was ordered. We dismounted, and sat down on the grass, beneath the rays of the sun, which had now risen higher in the heavens. Our breakfast was frugal, a piece of bread, a little bacon, some salt, a bit of cheese for the very fortunate, a large draught of pure water, and a diminutive allowance of palinka, a kind of brandy. Such was the fare of all, from the general to the private soldier. The horses were not forgotten, for God had given them the running stream and the grass of the fields.
The view from our bivouac, established on the skirts of a vast forest, into which we were about to plunge, was magnificent. A narrow valley, cut in two by the river, as by a blade of silver, stretched in the direction from which we had come. The fields were dotted with olive trees, and the road was bordered on both sides with willows. On either side the hills swelled upwards, showing here and there on their lower slopes small huts of wood, and paths leading from them, bordered by pairings, now winding over open glades, now disappearing amidst trees. Sometimes the immense pointed goatskin cap of the peasants might be seen gliding stealthily along afar off. The back ground was a range of lofty blue hills, that almost seemed part of the overhanging sky. The village we had quitted was lost low down in the hazy distance. All the lines of the landscape were vast and imposing, as they needs must be, where earth seems to aspire to mingle with heaven; and and we could not tire of admiring the greatness of God in nature. I feel, however, that, no language can convey to my readers an adequate idea of the rich beauty of the landscape, which lay stretched around us; I can only record the impression it produced upon all, heightened, perhaps, by the feelings of regret and love of our fatherland, which only those who are about to suffer a long exile can really appreciate. Our sorrows were for a time forgotten; resignation bowed down our heads, whilst hope still raised them; it was as if we had had a momentary communion with that great power who governs our destiny. The trumpet sounded once more, the drum again rolled, a thous and echoes preceded us into the forest; a thousand echoes went shouting back our last farewell to that lovely valley, and the beautiful country beyond, the country that hides beneath its soil silver and gold, and boasts a larger variety of opals, emeralds, and other precious stones, than perhaps any other,—a country, too? that feeds innumerable flocks and herds in its meadows and prairies—that blooms with fruit-trees, and groans beneath the weight of rich harvests—the treasury of Austria,—our noble and beloved home."
Advancing now towards the Turkish Frontier, enduring much privation, and experiencing many diffi culties and perils by the way, they descended to the shores of the Danube, and reaching Widdin, found there protection and hospitality, at the hands of the Turkish government; and to this was added a far greater debt of gratitude, for when they. were demanded as 'prisoners of war by the Representatives of the Austrian and Russian Governments, the Sultan, with a grace- and spirit worthy of the noblest days of chivalry, refused to deliver them up, exclaiming in these significant and memorable words, " Shall I, who am master of the empire, be denied the right of refuge, which I cannot refuse to the meanest of my subjects, in the case even of a culprit; sooner let the empire itself perish," (19) a sentiment so noble and enlightened, an act so purely generous and high-minded, as to cause the hearts of the people of England, and those of our brave allies, to sympathise in the fate of the present ruler, and to rejoice in the future welfare of the Moslem race, looking with trusting hope to God's appointed time, when the Crescent shall shine in equal glory with the Cross; when the Mahomedan faith, which hangs like a thick black cloud over the destinies of the Eastern world, blighting the natural energies of its people, shall pass away, to be exchanged for the cheering light, and civilising influences of Christianity, (20) "It ought never to be forgotten," said the lamented Lord Dudley Stuart, " that the peremptory refusal of the Sultan, to deliver up these gallant defenders of a righteous cause, to the base and merciless vengeance of Austria and Russia," was given before he knew whether he should be supported in that refusal by the Western Powers of Europe or not. It must also be remembered, that the conduct of those Western Powers had not always been such as to lead him to the conclusion that they -could be sure to assist him. Yet he waited not for the arrival of a British fleet in the waters of Turkey, nor for any intimation of its approach, but at once, without hesitation, decided that the brave sons of liberty, who craved the protection of Turkish hospitality, should receive it, at whatever cost. But for this noble act, so worthy of a great sovereign, and of that character which the Turks have always maintained, Kossuth would, beyond all doubt, have been consigned to the same ignominious death as his fellow patriot, Count Batthyanyi, and the like fate, we may add, would hare awaited our brave countryman Guyon. An eye witness (21) (author of Revelations of Russia), gives the accompanying personal and graphic sketch of Guyon and his illustrious companions in exile, drawn on the spot, while at Widdin.
"Guyon lived in the same building with General Kmety and Stein. He had with him about eight-and-twenty of his officers, and was accompanied by Mr. Longworth, (22) the Circassian traveller, who was a captain on his staff. One of my first attempts was, to collect and compare evidence on these campaigns, map in hand; and much as I was on my guard against the unconscious predilections one might entertain for a countryman of whom I had much reason to be proud, I came to the deliberate conclusion, that, notwithstanding his popularity, full justice has neither been done to Guyon in England (23) nor by your countrymen.
"They attribute to him, always, the most chivalrous honour, and the most reckless valour, but, by implication, appear not to allow him anything else. Guyon had the misfortune to have almost commenced his career, by being misled when marching upon Tyrnau; but had the merit of having subsequently fought and won some of the most desperate actions of the war, and of having penetrated the designs of Gorgey, who could not deny what the whole army had seen, but to counteract its effects, gave out that Guyon vas a mere headlong swordsman.
"But, in fact, I doubt whether Bem does not much more nearly approach what Guyon is supposed to be, and whether Guyon is not what we thought Bem. Guyon has certainly been the chevalier sans pour et sans reproche of these campaigns. The first to cross the frontier in the war with Austria, he refused indignantly, to the last, all compromise which had not for its basis the full recognition of the constitutional rights of Hungary. When Gorgey originally retreated before Windischgrätz, and Guyon commanded under him, Gorgey only fought to be beaten, and retreated without attempting anything. Guyon, without support or instruction from his chief, manoeuvred in the. most masterly and successful manner, and terminated, by defeating in the Branizko Pass, with 10,000 Magyars, Schlick, the best of the Austrian generals, holding with 15,000 picked troops, the strongest position in Hungary.
"This action, one of the most sanguary upon record for the number engaged, and which may be defined as a series of assaults against a superior force, saved both the army of Gorgey, and, for the time, the cause of Hungary; but Gorgey, on hearing of it, remarked only with a sneer, that the Hungarians had more fortune than wit, and neglected to take the co-operative measures which Guyon pointed out, thereby wilfully permitted Schtick to escape from otherwise inevitable destruction. I do not know whether you are aware, that after this campaign, Guyon positively refused, on any terms, to serve under Gorgey, whom only in deference to Kossuth he was prevented from publicly attacking, as either an imbecile or a traitor. This was the cause of Guyon's appointment to the command of Komorn, which being then invested, he only entered after almost miraculous adventures. In the Banat, Guyon finally defeated and drove out, with a very inferior force, the Croatian Bobadil Jellachich, who left 4000 dead upon the field, and never re-appeared on that bank of the Danube as long as the war lasted. The chief fault of Guyon seems to be, that when the plans he proposes are not accepted, he will not say a word further to urge them, and allows things to take their course, contented with the fulfilment of his individual duty. Guyon has been throughout unshaken in his fidelity to the Diet, and to Kossuth, its representative; and this was doubtless a chief cause of the animosity towards him by Gorgey, who on several occasions seems purposely to have abandoned him to be cut off, as he did afterwards Nagy-Sandor. Guyon and Count Casimer Batthyanyi were at this time the most frequent visitors at Kossuth's, and as Guyon had become very Hungarian, I do not know whether Batthyanyi was not the most English of the two. The purity with which English was spoken and written by many of the refugees, who had never been out of Hungary, the English blood of the Hungarian horses about Widdin, and the English' saddles, almost universally used, were very striking in that remote corner of Europe, and trivial as the signs might seem, were highly characteristic of the predilection of your compatriots for this country. (24)
"The private Hungarian soldiers, suffering from cold, decimated by sickness, determined by the example of their leaders not to proselytize, and without even one cheering hope held out to them, said openly, thither lead us back to Hungary, if only armed with sticks, or let us die in our own country, sooner than perish here.' This feeling coming to the knowledge of the Austrians, they sent General Hauslab to Widdin to entice them back to Hungary, by the promise of an amnesty. Kossuth refused to interfere, or give the soldiers any hopes he did not entertain; whilst, at the same time, it was argued, that as Austria could not put the privates to death, the best thing these men could do was, perhaps, after all, to return. Nearly 2000 soldiers in this manner went back to Hungary; but Guyon did not take matters so quietly. Hearing that the Austrian general had indulged in personalities, he went in search of him, armed with his horsewhip. The Austrian general and his officers beat a very undignified retreat, and took refuge on board the steamer, from which they threatened vengeance, but did not venture to disembark in the face of the irate and indignant Englishman, who walked to and fro, to the great delight of the Turks, with a horsewhip in his hand, in true English fashion. Guyon then went and tore down an abusive proclamation, from the door of the Austrian consul, who shut and barricaded his doors and windows, as if threatened with an assault."
This was the alleged "violation of the consular domicile," which produced a long and fruitless correspondence, neither creditable or gratifying to Austrian diplomacy.